Saturday, 11 May 2013

What were the main consequences of the Black Death 91348-49) for the English society and economy?


The Black Death, a crisis which swept England in 1348 and lasted until 1349 tore the country apart. It happened on such a large scale, firstly because the epidemic spread at such a speed that there was no time for reflection on its origins before the disease had ‘cracked apart…thrown down and engulfed’[1] towns in England. When there were no obvious scientific or reasonable explanations for The Black Death, the Medieval people turned to blame God and human sin and secondly because no government or person within England or Europe had a response. Nobody knew its’ causes, how it was spread or treatments. The most obvious effects of the events of 1348-1349 can be seen in the vast changes in society and economy.
It has been argued that an important immediate social consequence of the Black Death was that ‘of course, the very sharp fall in population’[2] which was hailed the ‘great pestilence’[3] and that the Black Death represented ‘the beginning of a major cycle of plague that remained active far into the nineteenth century’[4]. From this drop in population of ‘between two-fifths and half of the population’[5], there followed a lot of other social and economic issues.

Following the Black Death there was an extreme fear of death amongst English society, and many were terrified of further punishments from God. People became obsessed with death as we can see from the rise of art containing images of death and the macabre, designed to remind everyone of the threat of death. The dance of death was a popular and wide-spread theme in the late Middle Age art, and ‘The insecurity of daily survival created an atmosphere of gloom and doom, influencing artist to move away from joyful spiritual themes and turn to images of Hell, Satan and the Grim Reaper’[6]. This was a theme which continued into the 1500s, shown by Hans Holbein who created a series of wood cuttings to show how death lurks everywhere[7]. In the Decameron, Boccacio describes the obsession with death during the plague and says nothing is talked about ‘but that such and such is dead or dying; and were any left to mourn we should hear nothing but lamentations’ and describes a woman who says ‘I am frightened out of my senses and wherever I go, the ghosts of the departed seem always before me, not like the persons whilst they were living but assuming a ghastly and dreadful aspect’[8], demonstrating why, in the aftermath of the plague, English society was terrified. However, it could be argued that the sheer amount of dead meant that it became an every day occurrence for English people, and could have somewhat desensitised people to death. Shown by the treatment of the dead who ‘received no more consideration than the odd goat would today’[9] and were often left about the city to rot, or thrown in huge pits of other dead bodies with no priest present.

Religious belief temporarily soared in the time of the Black Death, with an increase in flagellancy within Europe, who ‘came to London from Flanders…Sometimes at St Paul's and sometimes at other points in the city they made two daily public appearances wearing cloths from the thighs to the ankles, but otherwise stripped bare…whipped themselves with these scourges on their naked and bleeding bodies’[10] in a desperate attempt to free England of the Plague, showing that there was belief that the disease was God sent. However, this attitude changed in the wake of the plague, represented by a decrease in faith to God. ‘Grave changes in mental attitudes such as a loss of confidence in traditional faith, the idea of “Christendom” being abandoned and the beginning of the decline of the medieval papacy, for example the Avignon Popes.’[11] Perhaps this was all because their belief in God had been futile in their attempts to prevent sickness, and consequently family and friends had been taken from them with sudden and painful deaths, meaning that they lost hope in God. Furthermore, people were left without any guidance in their time of need due to the huge reduction in numbers of the Clergy in the plague, and before long ‘there were not enough living to bury the dead’[12] This was due to the Clergy living in tightly knit communities like monasteries, and also having to deal with the last rites and burial of the dead bodies which had been attacked by Plague. Therefore, there was nobody to preach or lead the disillusioned communities and so ordinary people were left to their own faith.

The Plague changed Medieval medicine somewhat, as it forced people to question why the remedies they had produced for the Plague failed to work, and when there was no explanation, there was an emphasis placed on older theories such as Galen’s Humoural theory in which ‘physicians attributed the plague to a physiological imbalance’ and it had been argued that there was a ‘persistence of the medical theory… that good health was a matter of maintaining a balance of humours rather than combating specific disease-carrying microbes’.[13]  This affected people because it changed the way illness was viewed and treated on a day-to-day basis, and herbal treatments which had been favoured were replaced with the likes of blood-letting and purging. Charms were also a favoured treatment in the plague because people were left with no other option. Death was inevitable because a cure was not available, and so the priority was to calm the patient down, and hopefully slow the death down to avoid mors improvisa and perform the last rites.

There are two ways people reacted to the plague which stand out. Firstly, some were so terrified that they were keen to escape from their communities, still fearing the plague many individuals fled from their family and deserted their towns. It has even been claimed by Boccaccio ‘Men and women alike were possessed by such a visceral terror of this scourge that a man would desert his own brother, uncle would forsake his nephew, sister her brother, and often a wife her husband’ and he claims that there were even cases where ‘mothers and fathers would avoid visiting and tending their children and they would virtually disown them’[14]. People also locked themselves away, either in sole isolation or with the rest of their families, to avoid further spread of the disease, showing the uncontrollable terror which gripped England.
However, some people, most likely the younger and childless individuals, accepted that the best option was to embrace what time they may have left in life and kept spirits high by going to alehouses, singing and dancing. This, to a degree, showed that there was a lost hope for any future, as they abandoned their duties within society and instead indulged in sinful activities, which could also demonstrate their abandonment of faith as they were risking their soul in purgatory.

There were many class changes after the Black Death. During the Plague there was no place for extravagancy, everyone was equal in that a wide range of people, including Priests, peasants and nobility were all struck down with the disease, removing the social elevations which had previously in place. Whilst the landowners and the elites struggled, the peasantry saw both economic and social benefits as they ‘found they were better off as a consequence of the plague’[15] and discovered a new found power over the landowners in that employers were forced to offer higher wages and ‘employers who failed to allow their employees the new wages found that labour went elsewhere.’[16] Furthermore, Boccaccio states in The Decameron that due to the absence of the magistrates, either due to death or loss of minions ‘to the point where they were powerless’ that ‘the laws of God and men had lost their authority and fallen into disrespect’ and that every man did ‘precisely as he pleased’[17] which suggests the absence of social order and distinctions. However, he also states that the corpses of the dead would not ‘be borne on the shoulders of prominent or distinguished citizens’[18], showing that there is still evidence of class differences because noble people are exempt from the gruesome job of meddling with the dead, even at this time of crisis. Furthermore, there is evidence to show that in the aftermath of the Plague social distinctions were sharpened, not blurred, perhaps because some people had been deprived of their superior identity during the time of the Plague. This can be seen through the fashions of the nobility, which became more extravagant so people recognised their social position.
Other groups within society also saw a change in the wake of the plague, such as women, who found that they were becoming involved with labour and jobs that men would have been completing prior to the Black Death such as agriculture. There is evidence of numbers of women who took advantage of this change, as they were ‘found among the names of harvest workers indicted under the Statute of Labourers for going ‘outside the vill in autumn’ and receiving excess wages’[19], which shows women as opportunists, trying to increase the income of their family by exploiting the post plague circumstances.

There were also other economic changes within England as a result of the Black Death.
The vast decrease in population probably had the biggest impact on the economy, as it meant that land was deserted, left unoccupied with nobody to keep up on their agricultural responsibilities which had previously allowed medieval society to keep moving. This lack of production had a knock on effect which then caused price increases which led to inflation. The abandonment of lands meant that ‘sheep and cattle roamed unchecked through the fields and through the standing corn, and there was no one to chase them and round them up’[20] and had devastating effects after the plague when ‘holdings remained vacant for decades and experienced a severe loss of revenues’.[21] However, it could also be argued that the effects of land abandonment were somewhat positive because ‘The greater availability of land encouraged peasants who already held land to further extend their landed resources as a way of increasing the surplus they could produce for the market’[22].
After the plague, there was so few people left to work the land that landowners were forced into a position where the wages they paid were more than the prices of goods purchased. Subsequently, the standard of living increased for the poorer people, something which had not been seen before in Medieval England.  There were many ‘disjunctions in terms of patterns of land holding and employment’[23] which was to the advantage of ‘the lower echelons of society and to disadvantage the traditional elites’[24]. Whilst this was a positive move forward for the lower classes, this social effect of the plague meant that the new power of the lower classes initially hindered the economic re-growth of England, challenged the higher orders and often ‘hired workers took advantage of higher wages to invest in leisure’[25] and in the preamble to the Statute of Labourers (1351) they direct it against the ‘malice of servants who were idle and unwilling to serve after the pestilence without taking outrageous wages’[26].
However, patterns of consumption changed for medieval England as the ‘enhanced economic well-being of numbers of peasants’[27] meant that people had more disposable income and made way for the flourishing of a new market, in this case the likes of basic furniture, a wider range of foods and cheap cloth. So whilst the peasantry exploited landowners, their ‘enhanced spending power…probably also resulted in an increased call for housing and building work’[28] and stimulated the economy once again.

To conclude, it is hard to isolate the most important factors without looking at the devastation in population figures, as this affected everything following the plague, and acted as the spark to an onslaught of social and economic changes such as social mobility and economic instability; from standstill to growth and development. It seems that there was an accumulative effect of all social and economic changes which altered English society, but this all began with the Black Death’s ‘its appalling mortality’[29].













Bibliography:




Primary

J. R. Lumby (ed), Chronicon Henrici Knighton vel Cnitthon monachi Leycestrensis

G. Boccacio, The Decameron



Secondary

C. F. Mullet, The Bubonic Plague and England, (1956 Kentucky), page 15

D. Williman, Ed.,The Black Death, the impact of the fourteenth-century plague, (New York 1982), page 30

M. Damen, Powerpoint on The Black Death: http://www.usu.edu/markdamen/1320Hist&Civ/PP/slides/06blackdeath.pdf, accessed 29/11/12

N. F. Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague, (2001 United States of America), page 119

P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550

‘The effect of Plague on Art and Artists in the Middle Ages’-http://www.historyofpainters.com/plague.htm, accessed 22/11/12

The Dance of Death - http://www.dodedans.com/Eindex.htm, accessed 22/11/12

"The Flagellants Attempt to Repel the Black Death, 1349", EyeWitness to History, www.eyewitnesstohistory.com (2010) accessed 29/11/12





[1]J. R. Lumby (ed), Chronicon Henrici Knighton vel Cnitthon monachi Leycestrensis, 2 vols, Rolls Series, 1889-95, II, Page 58, (1390 Leicester)
[2] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550 (Bloomsbury Publishing, London and New York, 2010), page 163
[3] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 161
[4] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 163
[5] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 164
[6] The effect of Plague on Art and Artists in the Middle Ages-http://www.historyofpainters.com/plague.htm, accessed 22/11/12
[7] The Dance of Death - http://www.dodedans.com/Eindex.htm, accessed 22/11/12
[8] Giovanni Boccacio, The Decameron (1348–53), page 4
[9] Boccacio, The Decameron, page 3
[10] "The Flagellants Attempt to Repel the Black Death, 1349", EyeWitness to History, www.eyewitnesstohistory.com (2010) accessed 29/11/12
[11] Powerpoint on The Black Death by Professor Mark Damen: http://www.usu.edu/markdamen/1320Hist&Civ/PP/slides/06blackdeath.pdf accessed 29/11/12
[12] J. R. Lumby (ed), Chronicon Henrici Knighton vel Cnitthon monachi Leycestrensis, page 59
[13] Norman F. Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague, (2001 United States of America), page 119
[14] Boccaccio, The Decameron, page 2
[15] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 170
[16] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 166
[17] Boccaccio, The Decameron, page 2
[18] Boccaccio, The Decameron, page 3
[19] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 170
[20] J. R. Lumby (ed), Chronicon Henrici Knighton vel Cnitthon monachi Leycestrensis, page 59
[21] The Black Death, the impact of the fourteenth-century plague, (New York 1982), page 30
[22] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 169
[23] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 166
[24] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 166
[25] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 166
[26] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 167
[27] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 171
[28] P.J.P Goldberg, Medieval England A Social History 1250-1550, page 171
[29] Charles F. Mullet, The Bubonic Plague and England, (1956 Kentucky), page 15

What did the Dreyfus Affair reveal about the strength of anti-Semitism in France at the time?



After the French revolution and the enlightenment, Jews were emancipated within France and ‘thought of themselves as French citizens who practiced Judaism as their religion’[1]. However, 100 years later anti-Semitism and popular resentment of Jews was still present and problematic within France. In this essay, by looking at the prominent case of the Dreyfus Affair I will attempt to analyse why, although the Jews had been emancipated for years, there was such support for popular anti-Semitism under the surface. The Dreyfus Affair demonstrates a case of popular anti-Semitism within the public eye, and to examine the Jew hatred that was present at this time of turmoil, I will concentrate on two key issues. Firstly, I will look at the racism within the French army and the way it filtered down to the every day people. Secondly, I will address how and why anti-Semitic prejudices were engrained within French society. A helpful source to look at in order to answer the question is Journalist Emile Zola’s ‘J’Accuse’ letter to the president, which was openly printed in the paper ‘L’Aurore’ in 1898 after he was ‘informed by Georges Picquart's lawyer of Dreyfus's innocence and Esterhazy's guilt in 1897’[2]. The fact that Zola wrote this controversial and dangerous document during a time of tension and divisions within France, and a time where the mass media factions were relentlessly battling against one another shows the depth of his concern for Dreyfus’ freedom.

Briefly, the Dreyfus Affair was sparked by an anonymous note to the German military which was found to be leaking French army secrets. 'Panic-stricken and spurred on by a virulent anti-Semitic press, the government names the alleged culprit...Alfred Dreyfus, a Jew’[3]. Despite the case lacking greatly in evidence, with nothing but a ‘D’ to implicate Dreyfus, France was divided brutally into the two groups, Dreyfusards and anti-Dreyfusards, both sides driven by the mass media.

There was early news coverage and publicity of the Dreyfus case which brought the issue into the public eye. It was shocking to see how quickly and openly the French citizens against Dreyfus became very anti-Semitic in their attack, and
‘His subsequent conviction was cheered by crowds shouting "Death to the Jews!"'[4], highlighting that that there was an inherent Jewish prejudice within France and people genuinely believed that the accusations of Dreyfus’s malpractice within the army related to a religious evil. Edmund Drumond’s openly anti-Semitic newspaper called ‘La Libre Parole’ was ‘well known for charges that the army was being fatally weakened by treasonous officers in its ranks, Jews prominent among them'[5] and 'On the front page of his inflammatory newspaper, the antisemite Eduoard Drummont prepares to thrust Captain Alfred Dreyfus into the sewer’[6], clearly stating the anti-Semitic political position of Drummont’s newspaper, and illustrating that Dreyfus and Jews alike should be cast off to the sewers like vermin. During the Dreyfus case, this paper represented the anti-Dreyfusards, who were the people who felt as though the Affair was a controversy which attempted to weaken France and tarnish the reputation of the army. However, there was another popular opinion within France which was represented within the ‘L’Aurore’ newspaper, which gave a voice to the Dreyfusards and eventually printed the famous ‘J’Accuse’ letter by Zola. They saw the issue as a principle of freedom of the individual, and as an opportunity to republicanise the army and place parliament in control of government. This begs the question, if people knew there were two sides to the story then why was there no immediate re-trial of Dreyfus?
Besides the inherent prejudice against Jews at this time, another key issue which can be blamed for this injustice is the racism within authoritative groups such as the army, who were supported by the Clergy.  Emile Zola stated in his letter that the Dreyfus affair was ‘set it all in motion merely by carelessness and lack of intelligence, they seem…to have given in to the religious bias of their milieu and the prejudices of their class’[7] explaining that the religious prejudices of the army toward Jews were already engrained in their nature and led to their assumption that Dreyfus was implicated with the accusations. Furthermore, Schloss argues that 'At that time, there was only one Jew on the general staff...Dreyfus'[8], so it could be argued that there was no particular empathy amongst his colleagues regarding his religious persecution. This shows an obvious apathy towards the Jewish – otherwise the involved authority figures may have been more inclined to challenge the army and support Dreyfus’ case. Society and anti-Semitism had conditioned them to be ignorant of Jewish struggle on the whole, as they were not seen as an important part of French society. Zola’s letter assists us in understanding what anti-Semitism was like within France at this period, and indicates that racism towards Jews was fraught within authoritative groups and many of the army were prejudiced against Dreyfus despite the evidence lacking greatly. For example, ‘These…are the facts that explain how this miscarriage of justice came about; The evidence of Dreyfus’s character, his affluence, the lack of motive and his continued affirmation of innocence’ and Zola explicitly states that these factors of Dreyfus’ innocence ‘combine to show that he is the victim of the lurid imagination of Major du Paty de Clam, the religious circles surrounding him, and the “dirty Jew” obsession that is the scourge of our time’ – explicitly highlighting an issue with racism against Jews within France.


[1] Leslie Derfler, The Dreyfus Affair, (Westport, USA, 2002), page 18
[2] Michael Burns, France and the Dreyfus affair: a documentary history, (1999), Page 200
[3] ‘The Dreyfus affair: 100 years on’ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/5166904.stm accessed 18/02/13
[4] Richard.S.Levy, Antisemitism, (California, USA, 2005), page 189
[5] R.S Levy, Antisemitism, page 191
[6] R.S. Levy, Antisemitism, page 189
[7] Emile Zola
[8] Chaim Schloss, 2000 Years of Jewish History, (Jerusalem, Israel), page 259

How did the Nobility adapt to the growth the Early Modern state?



The Early Modern continues to grow and change due to ‘a particular crisis arising from particular events, personalities, and policies: the ineptitude of James, the corruption of Buckingham, the obstinacy of Strafford, Laud, Charles: the rise of Puritanism, the growth of a sense of constitutionalism, and the development of improved procedural techniques by the House of Commons.’[1] The key changes which occurred in the Early Modern age were economic and colonial growth and the nobility dealt with these developments in a number of ways.

When addressing the identity of the nobility, within the Renaissance period the meaning ‘elite’ ceased to refer to the nobility. It was no longer simply a birth right made up of only the nobility but instead, being noble was not a stable social entity. The nobility was something that was created, and there was also the church, intellectual and municipal elite.
The noble elite were the dominant people in society yet they only made up 2% of the population, they were incredibly powerful and took positions in England such as: lords, knights and esquires. They had an exceptionally large share of wealth, owning 25% of lands in Europe and they had specific privileges, for example most of the European nobility were exempt from tax payment, and held the right to own armies, liveries and peasants.
Mettam argues ‘The influence of the nobility was everywhere in French society. In the localities they had power over the peasantry, over municipal officials and even over royal agents... The higher aristocrats took a lead in provincial affairs, and might have the ear of the king or his ministers at court as well.’[2]

As a general rule, in places where the sate is weaker the nobles tend to be stronger, perhaps because there is a lack of government control so the nobility feel as though it is their place in the social hierarchy to step up and ensure order is kept. Many of the class were wealthy but not all and the nobility were not all born into their positions; they were sometimes elevated from a lower social position. Prior to 1500 in particular, the nobility were in the position of levellers in war, hence, they were leaders in society. However, professionalisation of army role changed.

However, despite their prominence, the traditional historical view is that there was an element of decline within the noble class. It has been claimed that the nobility were in decline since the 11th century and that in the first half of the 17th century ‘The Commons emerged as a far more important political assembly than the Lords’ and that there was attack on them ‘The early Tudors had striven, not without success, to undermine the strength of the nobility, which they had regarded as a menace to quasi-absolute monarchy’.[3] Stone argues that the events concerning the aristocracy ‘may reasonably be described as a crisis, for it involved major readaption in almost every field of thought and action in order to fit into a rapidly changing environment’.[4]

The traditional role of the nobility is of them as protectors of society (knights) and companions of kings. There was an emphasis placed on physicality and masculinity which explains why the nobility partook in dangerous competitions such as jousting.
However, this role is challenged in the 17th century when society is less violent no longer as focused on war. Kings wanted more stable and centralised power and less personal participation in wars. Some of the nobility adapted by joining professional armies which provided new opportunities, and some were able to maintain links to the centre of power through the development of Royal Courts in the way that the bureaucrats became the powerful members of the elite, leaving behind the old fashioned nobility who fought and were a threat to kings. The French ruler Louis XIV said in his memoirs 'Disorder reigned everywhere' and Gibson argues that ‘the root cause of disorder was undoubtedly war'[5], forcing the knight role to change.  Instead, people like lawyers took prominent positions within society. They were also able to deal with this shift by keeping hold of power through links to land, (i.e. duke of Norfolk) giving them local prominence, particularly with the power of being less centralised control. It must be noted that the nobility were educated so were very politically aware, and also held two fold political influence through ownership of land and employment of peasants to work and farm these lands. This two fold influence began when nobles became aware that more money could be made from land in better ways than rent and adapt by selling their produce from their domain e.g. Wood. They also purchased more land, particularly during the 1500s because church lands were sold off in the reign of Henry VIII. They also became involved with real estate: buying land and developing it to make profit. During agrarian changes and growth, the nobility again survived through adaptation, overcoming issues by lending money to governments who needed money to fund numerous wars, investing in the colonial empire where there was an absence of change. Another way the nobility managed to maintain power was that they were cultured, so even when the politics of the country changed they still knew how to fit in with society through hunting, reading, jousting, and gambling; all which were instrumental in the growth of the Early Modern state as disposable income was on the increase.

The changing roles led to the nobility adapting into a more bureaucratic role. States needed to be ready for war with professional armies, and this required funding, and taxes which were raised in these times of war led to the taxation of nobility classes, which eroded their special status. Scott and Stoors argue that there is ‘an emerging consensus that the nobility’s economic problems around 1600 were caused primarily by the new scale and purposes of expenditure being undertaken’[6] referring to the costly professional armies which had developed. The nobles adapt to change by serving in a new ways, which leads to growth in higher education. Furthermore, it becomes acceptable for older nobles to take state positions whilst able bureaucrats were made nobles (noblesse de robe). However, From 1650 there appeared to be a breakdown of local support for nobles, and the development of the idea of ‘Royal Court’ pushed them out of the social spotlight, making it easier for the commons to gain favour from the king. As always, the nobility found a way of adaption, by forming links with the centre and taking positions such as chancellor or councillor to the King.

The nobility also asserted their image through a specific identity in terms of language, dress and education and wore the most modern fashions and expensive clothing. You could tell that they were of high status by the clothes they were wearing. Those which adapted become a more distinctive and recognisable group within the community.
They expressed their authority through rebellions, to make demands for their class. For example The Fronde of 1650, which was known as the Fronde des nobles. The origins of this were that the nobility refused to be so taxed, based on their old liberties, or privileges, and the brunt fell upon the bourgeoisie causing resentment and divisions. A consequence of noble participation in conflicts was that 'many had fallen from favour in consequence of their role in the civil wars o the sixteenth century, and others would do so after the Frondes of Louis XIV's minority’ but ‘were still important and powerful royal agents in difficult provinces and 'were essential to the State'.[7]

 Another uprising which the nobility were part of was the Pilgrimage of Grace in 1536, the second list of Robert Aske’s demands concerned the nobility ,as they wished for a purification of the Henrican government, with complaints about 'base councillors' and 'villein blood'. The Lincolnshire articles also referred to them as men 'of low birth and small reputation'[8] and believed that they should be purged from the government. Their involvement with uprisings showed their power to crack down of state whilst minimising the threat of widespread social disorder by not rebelling on too great a scale, thus their adaptation to be a ruling class.

The key factor to how the nobility maintained power was that they held the ability to continuously adjust and adapt to growth of state. The Impact of French Revolution was also a key reason to why the noble class changed, due to the politicisation of the lower classes. This means that the peasants were not only in the spotlight, but the Bourgeoisie were able to take similar roles that were usually reserved for the nobility. Finally, the nobility were always reasserting their identity, through their cultural contributions such as increasing educational or political activity such as involvement in political movements and maintenance of order and higher education. They used culture to distinguish themselves from other groups which always allowed them to adapt and change and thus remain within society as a powerful group.




Bibliography

M. L. Bush, The Pilgrimage of Grace: A Study of the Rebel Armies of October 1536, (Manchester University Press 1996), Page 104

W. Gibson, A Tragic Farce: The Fronde (1648-1653), (1998 Exeter), page 6

R. S. Mettam, Douglas Johnson, French History and Society: The Wars of Religion to the Fifth Republic (1974, Meuthen & Co Ltd), page 4

L. Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, (Oxford University Press 1965), page 9, 10, 15

Ed. H. M. Scott, The European Nobilities in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, Volume I: Western and Southern Europe, edition 2, (2007 Palgrave Macmillan), page 27








[1]Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, (Oxford University Press 1965), page 10
[2] Roger S. Mettam, Douglas Johnson, French History and Society: The Wars of Religion to the Fifth Republic (1974, Meuthen & Co Ltd), page 4
[3] Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, page 9
[4] Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641, page 15
[5] Wendy Gibson, A Tragic Farce: The Fronde (1648-1653), (1998 Exeter), page 6
[6] Ed. H.M Scott, The European Nobilities in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, Volume I: Western and Southern Europe, edition 2, (2007 Palgrave Macmillan), page 27
[7] Mettam, French History and Society: The Wars of Religion to the Fifth Republic, page 4
[8] M. L. Bush, The Pilgrimage of Grace: A Study of the Rebel Armies of October 1536, (Manchester University Press 1996), Page 104

Document Analysis on Jean Bodin's 'On the Demon-Mania of Witches (1580)'


This essay will focus on the extract from Jean Bodin’s book ‘On the Demon-Mania of Witches’, and on the significance of its place in history, bearing in mind context of the time period and events which were occurring across Europe. I also aim to analyse how, and if so, why his work was so popular within society. Bodin was born in 1530 in France, and became a prominent figure within education, politics and philosophy, and it has been said that he held ‘various high offices’[1], showing his influence within society. Furthermore, his law skills would have allowed him to form his persuasive argument against witches, as he would have known how to present a case which would be favourable to his desired outcome. The fact that Jean Bodin was an educated and well known figure allowed his book to be taken seriously and reach popularity as he was seen as an intelligent free thinker. And he reached a wide religious audience, as it has been said that ‘he was variously thought during his lifetime to be a Calvinist, a Jew, a free-thinker and an atheist, but he was a Catholic when he died', meaning that no religious group was alienated from his audience, yet he stood completely against the concept of witchcraft.

Bodin has a clear line of argument at the beginning of the source, ‘that witchcraft is treason against God is the centre of his very severe approach’ and summarises by stating that the fifteen crimes are ‘detestable’ and ‘the least of which merits a painful death’[2], showing that the aim of this document was to apply harsher punishments to those suspected of witchcraft.

Although tolerant of all faiths, Bodin hates the concept of witches. He says that ‘For the witch whom I have described does not just deny God in order to change and take up another religion, but he renounces all religions’[3], which could display Bodin’s belief and fear of a satanic power similar to the spiritual power of God, but for an evil purpose.

The tone of the document shows that Bodin was writing with urgency, and saw the issue as a terrible threat. From the opening paragraph, in which he is described to be an ’implacable enemy of sceptics of witchcraft’[4], indicating how sure he was in his attack on witches. Furthermore, the way he lists the crimes of witches constructs a strongly persuasive argument to those reading. He is very one-sided in his opinion, showing that the document is not intended to be informative, but persuasive, for example ‘the third crime is even more abominable’ and ‘the sixth crime is even more horrible’[5], making the reader feel as though the sins of the witches are endless.

Bodin uses shocking imagery for effect throughout his document, such as ‘They raise them in the air…insert a large pin into their head, which causes them to die’ when referencing the sacrificing of their own children to the Devil. In this time period people were obsessed with superstition and interference of the Devil, so this would have been a horrifying image to consider. Bodin goes further by outlining that witches also ‘dedicate’ children straight ‘from their mother’s womb’[6], which automatically makes witchcraft real and threatening to the reader, and personalises Bodin’s account, particularly towards those concerned about the protection of their children during a time of already high child mortality rates.

Bodin concludes his list with ‘witches have carnal copulation with the devil’[7], a crime which differs from the rest, and leaves a bitter taste, as it places a grotesque and dishonourable image in the readers head which links to other crimes such as adultery. He goes on to state that the crimes like the ones he has reported ‘at least merits a painful death’, showing that he has no tolerance for the crime of witchcraft. He highlights that the problem lies in providing evidence for the cases, and recommends that if there is only presumption ‘If the presumptions are strong, one may consider imposing the death sentence’[8], something which was to pose huge problems within witch trials, as there was no way of proving suspicions of dark magic without confession.

When considering why Bodin wrote this source, it could be argued that due to his prominent roles he saw it as his duty to do all he could to protect a vulnerable society. He stated in a letter of dedication to Christophle de Thou that he wrote this treaty with two purposes in mind: ‘on the one hand, “to use it as a warning to all who will see him [the devil],” and on the other hand, “to alert readers that there is no crime that could be more atrocious or deserve more serious punishment.”’[9], showing his concern on the vulnerability of society and want to protect them from witchcraft and the devil.

In assessing the sources significance in the context of the time, it must be accounted for that Bodin’s book went through ’23 editions in four languages’, displaying the books’ widespread popularity. Evidence to support that Bodin’s work was received widely is shown in the minutes from the French Trial of Marie Cornu in 1611. From reading this source it is clear to see that the crimes stated in her trial were almost identical to those of Bodin’s, for example, in the Cornu case ‘she…renounced and denied God’ and ‘pledged herself forever to the devil’[10]. Here we see clear similarities to Bodin’s description of ‘having renounced God’ and doing ‘homage to the devil’. This shows how widespread the ideas of Bodin were, and how his paranoid writings could have been applied to trying and punishing in the case of Marie Cornu and perhaps others. The repeating of the same crimes in each source also demonstrates the mentality of the time, as although there was no factual evidence for the crimes, sources such as Bodin’s led to widespread paranoia of Witches.

Bodin’s argument could have been more readily received because he created this argument during a time where paranoia and superstition were fraught throughout Europe. However, just because people were suspicious of witches during this period does not mean they led to accusations. In fact, most people tended to tolerate the witches and maintain their distance from them in order to remain safe.

 The French wars of religion are also significant in explaining the books’ popularity. They were a key part of everyday life from 1562-1592, displaying a conflict between Catholics and Protestants. Whilst this made Bodin’s liberal ideas on the unification of all faiths controversial to publish, the religious instability of the time would have fuelled suspicion of others, and so create the perfect atmosphere for Bodin’s argument to be taken seriously.

To conclude, it is clear to see that Bodin’s works were incredibly popular all over Europe from the number of editions and languages the book was published in. Bodin effectively produces a strongly persuasive argument in favour of the death penalty and harsher punishments for witches, and the specific crimes he lists can be seen in other documents on witchcraft such as the trial of Marie Cornu as stated above. Whilst Bodin was a liberal and free thinker when it came to religious faith, the source clearly shows his complete aversion and hatred for those who he believed to be involved with the Devil, showing that as well as being an educated free-thinker he did hold strongly superstitious beliefs. Ultimately, the widespread paranoia across Europe was created mb a number of social and economic factors such as poverty and ill weather conditions such as the little ice-ace, but it was sources like this one that Jean Bodin wrote which provided ordinary people with the evidence and support they needed to accuse witches and even conduct witch trials.

Bibliography

 J. Bodin, On The Demon-Mania of Witches (Taken from UEA source booklet)

E. J. Ross, ‘The Social Theory of Jean Bodin’

M. Turchetti ‘Jean Bodin’

The trial of Marie Cornu (Taken from UEA source booklet)






[1] Eva J. Ross, 1946, ‘The Social Theory of Jean Bodin’ The American Catholic Sociological Review Vol 7 No 4 page 267 [online] available at: http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/3707140?uid=37382&uid=3738032&uid=2&uid=3&uid=5910784&uid=67&uid=37380&uid=62&sid=21101710779527 (accessed 27/01/13)
[2]  Jean Bodin, ‘On the Demon-Mania of Witches’ (France 1580)
[3] Bodin, Demon-Mania of Witches
[4] Bodin, Demon-Mania of Witches
[5] Bodin, Demon-Mania of Witches
[6] Bodin, Demon-Mania of Witches
[7] Bodin, Demon-Mania of Witches
[8] Bodin, Demon-Mania of Witches
[9] Mario Turchetti (2010), ‘Jean Bodin’, Available at: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/bodin/#3(Accessed 27/01/13)
[10] The trial of Marie Cornu (France 1611)